I am grateful that John McCain's pick of Sarah Palin has put her experience front and center in the campaign debate. After all, there has been a lot talk about experience. We've heard:

"McCain has the experience to lead."

"Palin has more executive experience than Obama!"

"McCain has more foreign policy experience than Obama."

"Has McCain lost his 'no experience' argument by selecting Palin?"

Maybe experience is very important. What the Sarah Palin VP selection and her relevant experience strongly suggests is that a McCain/Palin administration will bring us four more years of impulsive and ideological decision making.

From the little we know about Palin, we can infer that once upon a time she had a life transforming religious experience that brought her to the fundamentalist belief in creationism. Apparently she has decided that the Genesis I story about the work of an all powerful God is a better "science" than the theory of evolution. If asked, like every other fundamentalist I know (and unlike any scientist I know), Palin will refuse to accept any evidence that her belief in Genesis 1 is false. From this, it is reasonable to say that the United States is again at risk that presidential decisional thinking about war, diplomacy, and human rights will be guided by ideas that are immune to contradictory evidence.

In this respect Palin is like George W. Bush, who according to Seymour Hersh believed his conduct of the war on terror was a divine calling. In the face of mounting evidence of failure in Iraq the President had only a broken record response: "Stay the course." Hersh reports the observations of a former defense official who said of the President, "He doesn't feel any pain. Bush is a believer in the adage 'People may suffer and die, but the Church advances.'"

On October 17, 2004, Ron Suskind in a New York Times Magazine article "Faith, Certainty and the Presidency of George W. Bush", reported instances in which President Bush was guided by his "gut" and his Christian faith in presidential decision making.

But faith has also shaped his presidency in profound, non-religious ways. The president demanded unquestioning faith from his followers, his staff, his senior aids and his kindred in the Republican Party. Once he makes a decision – often swiftly, based on creed or moral position – he expects complete faith in its rightness.

The June 2008 Rockefeller Report on Whether Public Statements Regarding Iraq by U.S. Government Officials Were Substantiated by Intelligence Information of the Select Committee on Intelligence shows the Bush Administration's hyper-ideological commitment to invade Iraq and its refusal to consider evidence that Saddam had no weapons of mass destruction.

Ron Suskind's recent book The Way of The World shows that the Bush Administration not only ignored evidence of the absence of WMD but also falsified evidence to support the Iraq invasion.

Before the invasion in March of 2003 the British had contacted the head of Iraqi intelligence Tahir Jalil Habbush and began to utilize him as a source of information about Iraq's weapons capabilities. British intelligence compiled a report using intelligence obtained from Habbush. The report stated that Saddam had ended his nuclear program in 1991, the same year he destroyed his chemical weapons stockpile. Iraq had no intention, Habbush said, of restarting either program.

The British delivered the Habbush report personally to CIA director George Tenet who briefed the President and Condi Rice. Thereafter, and well before the invasion, the White House buried the report and instructed the British that they were no longer interested in keeping the Habbush channel open. According to Suskind's CIA source: "Bush wanted to go to war in Iraq from the very first days he was in office. Nothing was going to stop that."

Suskind reports:

The White House …concocted a fake letter from Habush to Saddam, backdated it to July 1, 2001. It said that 9/11 ringleader Mohammad Atta had actually trained for his mission in Iraq – thus showing, finally that there was an operational link between Saddam and al Qaeda, something the Vice President's Office had been pressing CIA to prove since 9/11 as a justification to invade Iraq. There is no link. The letter also mentioned suspicious shipments to Iraq from Niger set up with al Qaeda's assistance. The idea was to take the letter to Habbush and have him transcribe it in his own neat handwriting on a piece of Iraqi government stationary, to make it look legitimate. CIA would then take the finished product to Baghdad and have someone release it to the media.

On the basis of this reporting alone we can say that throughout his presidency Bush displayed an impulsive and hyper-ideological decision making mentality.

In the Sunday August 31, 2008 New York Times writers Elisabeth Bumiller and Michael Cooper report "McCain's history of making fast, instinctive and sometimes risky decisions." His selection of Palin was based on his judgment that Palin was a "kindred spirit."

Piecing together these items of journalistic evidence, McCain, Palin and Bush appear to be three of a kind from the standpoint of decision making mentality. If the Bush/McCain/Palin mentality is religious and hyper ideological, "experience" is irrelevant to their decision making.

Can we place our county in such hands for four more years?

Reports in the independent media Twin Cities Daily Planet of raids on persons planning to demonstrate who are quests in private houses are very chilling. Amy Goodman was among the journalists on the spot. She climbed over a fence with her crew and refused to leave. I look forward to her report on Democracy Now on Monday. It was said that journalists from her organization were among those detained.

An eloquent editorial this morning by Ian Welsh on FireDogLake
comments on the deafening silence of the traditional media and political figures on these probably illegal and certainly specious police actions.

The police repression is chilling. The silence is as bad. On one video Bruce Nestor, a legal observer and past president of the National Lawyers Guild, puts these kinds of police abuses in perspective.

Bruce: We're not in this country yet where we're having mass detentions of people like this, so it really is about sending a message. I think what it really is designed to do is to send a message to people who agree with some of the viewpoints of people organizing activity and to say - you know what? You can write an email, it's okay to write a letter, to vote, but don't go out in the street, don't organize public activity, because do you want us bursting into your house? Do you want to be associated with people who are getting arrested? It's designed to somehow say these aren't citizens engaged in the exercise of political freedom, but that they're kooks, they're freaks, they're dangerous, stay away from them, don't get involved.

Glenn: And there's been no evidence that any actual violence or illegality has been committed, this is all preventative right, it's all anticipatory?

Bruce: That's right.

As a veteran of actions myself, I want to thank the legal observers, members of the National Lawyers Guild who appear at protests and demonstrations and such wearing identifying insignia to take note of abuses of rights. I am always grateful to see these lawyers on the scene to help keep the police honest or in the worst case to provide expert witness if necessary.

A colleague of mine just sent me a link to the new website The Girl Effect. Their mission is to create opportunities for girls and for the world. Here are just a few facts to consider when watching this exciting short slideshow:

- When a girl in the developing world receives seven or more years of education, she marries four years later and has 2.2 fewer children.

- An extra year of primary school boosts girls’ eventual wages by 10 to 20 percent. An extra year of secondary school: 15 to 25 percent.

- Research in developing countries has shown a consistent relationship between better infant and child health and higher levels of schooling among mothers.

- When women and girls earn income, they reinvest 90 percent of it into their families, as compared to only 30 to 40 percent for a man.

Powerful stuff!

Al-Jazeera TV w/ Sud. Rebel’s Advisor on Hijacked Plane - on board leaders from Land Commission

This is a short interview between Al-Jazeera and Abd-al-Aziz Uthman, an advisor to the SLM. The interviewer asked Uthman what he thinks the motive was for the hijacking. Uthman refused to speculate. Uthman did however note that there were a minimum of three of their leaders were onboard: the president of the Darfur Land Commission (Rahman), the leader of the Darfur Authority and also King Al-Malik. All were involved in a Land Commission workshop in Nyala.

Sudanese Forces Amass Again at Darfur Camp after Deadly Raid

The Kalma camp is facing renewed attacks by Sudanese authorities. Authorities claim that it is the base for Darfur's rebels and want to confiscate all smuggled weapons. The spokesperson for the displaced people living in the camps, Hussein Abu Sharati, states that the camp was surrounded at dawn on Monday with Sudanese security forces. The spokesperson has dismissed the government's statements and said, "This is a plan orchestrated at the highest levels of government…Al-Bashir had promised last year to make the Darfur displaced go home before the UNAMID forces arrive in Darfur." Ahmed Abdel Shafie, an SLA commander, said that Khartoum wants the IDPs to be disbanded to "push the conflict under the carpet after the ICC move."

Darfur runner wins Sudan’s first Olympic medal

Sudan has participated in the Olympics for nearly 50 years and has never brought home a medal. Until now. After sending nine athletes to Beijing, a Darfur native, Ismail Ahmed Ismail, won the country's first medal, a silver in the men's 800 meter race. Al-Sahafa, a Sudanese daily, headlined the story as "an unprecedented achievement." Sudanese newspapers were in agreement. Ismail grew up in Khartoum, although his family is from western Darfur. I can't find words to express my joy. "This is an achievement for my country first and then for me," Ismail said in the Sudan Media Center.

Misseria and Rizeigat clash over claims to water in remote part of South Darfur

Two Arab nomadic tribes, the Misseria and Rizeigat had a fatal clash last week in Abu Gabra as a result of tensions over claims to water in remote parts of South Darfur. According to members of the both tribes, approximately 55 Misseria were killed and 65 Rizeigat are casualties. The dispute began months ago over access to a reservoir. A senior Rizeigat tribesman, Mohamed Issa, blames the lack of security forces. Both tribes maintain that elders are working toward restoring good relations.

Excerpt from ’TEARS OF THE DESERT: A Memoir of Survival in Darfur’

This is an excerpt from Halima Bashir that describes a beautiful relationship with her father, her naming ceremony as a member of the Zaghawa tribe and a brutal rape she endured and live to tell about. It is a must read.

Janjaweed Militiamen Gang-Rape 3 Darfur Women: IDP Spokesperson

A group of Janjaweed militiamen gang-raped three women at the Kalma camp in South Darfur. The victims' names are Tayba Adam Al-Tahir (15 years old), Aicha Youssef (17 years old) and Kaltouma Salih (55 years old). This is according to the spokesperson of Darfur displaced and refugees at the camp, Hussein Abu-Sharati. The spokesperson said that no action was taken after an Egyptian officer of the AU-UNAMID mission with the UN was notified.

This article leads me to mention a meeting with Al-Bashir and New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson. The result of that meeting was "Laws Without Justice: An Assessment of Sudanese Laws Affecting Survivors of Rape." The report is available at Refugees International. It is an in-depth look at Sudanese laws that affect rape victims. I recommend reading it. One important aspect of the law can be seen in the fact that victims of rape need to deal with the fact that rape is defined as adultery (zina).

From the Refugees International Report:

"Rape victims have strong reasons not to subject themselves to even the possibility of being charged with zina since the penalties for this crime are extraordinarily harsh. Unmarried women convicted of zina receive one hundred lashes; married women are sentenced to death by stoning."

My Perspective:

Low intensity conflict has reared its head continually. Within it, amongst Darfurians the prevalent feeling is fear, insecurity, anger - not a context for peace. Darfur's low intensity conflict has crept onto the world's stage and harnessed it like a plague does an unwitting population wondering how it is possible that no vaccine exists. Like a syndrome of abuse where an abusive parent justifies its abuse onto the next generation for having been abused, the low intensity conflict has become a deliberate acceptance of abusive behavior - perpetuated by the denial among factions and tribes involved in the conflict and those who have bore witness. The psychology of terrorizing and of punishing people for their opposition to being destroyed is the context in Darfur. Not a context for peace; it is a context for injustice.

In 2005, a context for peace was called for and documents brought to the attention of newspaper readers that gave proof that the Khartoum government was acting against the interests of Darfurians. Few people are aware of a document that Nicholas Kristof wrote about in his op-ed piece "The Secret Genocide Archive," published in the NY Times on February 23, 2005. In that article, Mr. Kristof mentions a document that was seized from a janjaweed official that is a direct call to action to the janjaweed to conduct genocide.

Quote from Kristof's op-ed:

"Dated last August, the document calls for the "execution of all directives from the president of the republic" and is directed to regional commanders and security officials.

"Change the demography of Darfur and make it void of African tribes," the document urges. It encourages "killing, burning villages and farms, terrorizing people, confiscating property from members of African tribes and forcing them from Darfur."

It's worth being skeptical of any document because forgeries are possible. But the African Union believes this document to be authentic. I also consulted a variety of experts on Sudan and shared it with some of them, and the consensus was that it appears to be real."

This same op-ed is quoted in the Brookings Institution/Bern University report, "Protecting Two Million Internally Displaced: The Successes and Shortcomings of the African Union in Darfur," by William G. O'Neill and Violette Cassis (November 2005).

Additionally, according to Eric Reeves who measured the success of the African Union by calling it a failure in his 2005 review, "Ghosts of Rwanda: The Failure of the African Union in Darfur," many such documents are in the possession of the AU, Human Rights Watch and Darfuris.

The same Brookings reports notes that:

"Some fear that the government plans to remove the farmers of Darfur from their land forever. A Sudanese law that allows the government to take over land that has been abandoned for more than a year has never been applied before in Darfur. If this law is applied, millions could lose their land and fuel a cycle of revenge and violence, plus permanent dependence on international charity. This would cement the ethnic cleansing that a UN official maintains was the primary objective of the Khartoum government.”

It has been clear for years that the target of any successful attempt should be stopping the janjaweed with no hesitation to end the insecurity in the region.

How can former US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoelick, now the eleventh president of the World Bank, maintain in such an immobilizing way that "It's a tribal war. And frankly I don't think foreign forces want to get in the middle of a tribal war of Sudanese. I don't think we can clean it up because it's not just a question of ending violence, it's a question of creating the context for peace." How can that be acceptable given international norms on human rights and good governance and the responsibilities of the international community? It's not except for possibly nationalists and people who want to breed inaction and dismiss human interests in the world as 'not our problem.' I agree with Eric Reeves that both questions that Robert Zoelick has posed are critical tasks that need to be implemented. All missions in Darfur must lend themselves toward the achievement of these goals. Throwing our hands up in tribal conflicts is two beats short of a heart.

Today, we have to recover what is acceptable for people to live with dignity and to ask of the community at large to bring back the rhetoric of decent living. We have to reestablish a philosophy that demands that the rhetoric of anger, projected self-loathing and generational hate that doesn't allow people to live full creative and self-determined lives be challenged. To allow dehumanization to become status quo, is to live in a time that doesn't reward people for improving human existence on this planet.

In modern day societies, people are given the means to address those who harm them. They can go to court, they can seek mediation or arbitration, they can talk to advocates, they can call victim hotlines, and they can call the local authorities. Laws change in societies. They are as living and breathing as people in my opinion. Without new laws, without amendments to laws that no longer represent the people, the laws that govern the land become unfitting to the times that they are in. They are shelved in the archives of humankind's libraries for newer laws and their implementation to incorporate posterity so that groups of people do not feel unrepresented.

In a different part of the world, tribal disputes have been settled and indigenous people have gained ground on preserving their own needs and interests. One recent example, particularly regarding indigenous tribes' land use, is in Taiwan. In January 2007, Premier Su Tseng-chang announced that the Council of Indigenous Peoples would buy back land from Taiwan Sugar that originally belonged to indigenous tribes.

Darfurians have been allowed to own and distribute the land according to tribal customs while the rest of Sudan is governed by land-tenure law written in 1984. The DPA reviewed Sudan's land laws, by acknowledging the recognition and protection of tribal land ownership rights and historical rights to land, which was a government concession. The DPA looked at how to decrease tensions arising from competition between farmers and herders for access to pasture and water. It also discussed that there are inconsistencies between customary land tenure and major development projects, even while giving precedence to tribal authority over land. The DPA set up the Darfur Land Commission which gave legal standing to tribes. However, according to Alex de Waal, major criticism of the DPA on tribal land ownership includes that not all interests were present to make their case, and that distinctions were not made between hakura and tribal dar . Hakura is a land granted awarded by the Sultan to an individual. Dar is homeland awarded to a tribe for administrative purposes by the colonial authorities. I agree with Alex de Waal's argument in "Land in the DPA: A False Agreement?" that the communities needed to themselves participate in defining land tenure requirements, based on their actual livelihoods.

Victims in Darfur should be provided the opportunity for redress first and foremost from all those involved in various missions in the area. Community outreach efforts to battle the injustices should be made by the AU, UNAMID, human rights organizations, the Sudanese courts, the ICC and the international community and should include steps toward maintaining and creating a context for peace and ending the violence.

Somewhere between the glass jars of Jacobs and Nescafe instant coffees , the tetra packs of barszcz and the ubiquitous display of Kinder eggs, I felt the frustration simmer up to my ears. Bored from shifting my weight between my right and left leg, my arms long ago having given up on carrying the obligatory shopping basket (now situated between my two feet for efficient shuffling, should we ever move forward in the line), I revealed myself as a foreigner with an exasperated sigh. In the past half an hour, we had moved approximately three customers closer to the register, and four couples remained in front of us.

Every payment had to be made in exact change, to the grosz, and in the precise denominations preferred by the clerk. The customer at the register, having given up on digging for three 10-grosz pieces and one 5, emptied out her coin purse into her palm and extended it to the clerk to speed up the process. Not finding the satisfactory coins, she turned in desperation to the next customer in line and bartered change. If you ever wanted to have your turn at the check-out counter, you’d cooperate with the poor customer in front of you.

Finally, only three customers to go, and it would be our turn to pay for our muesli and juice. Compared to the grueling class schedule earlier that day, my life that hour had become nauseatingly slow. Still wrapped in my scarf and hat, my jacket bringing me to a boil, I searched for a logical explanation through the rapidly growing mental fog.

“I just don’t get it,” I moaned to my husband as inconspicuously as possible, “How can this possibly take so long?”

“It’s Poland,” he sighed.

Ahead of us, another familiar scenario played out: one person stood in line with an empty basket, while his companions shopped for items one at a time and placed them into the basket, departing again for more. The process seemed to continue up until the very moment that the waiting customer had arrived at the cash register. Apparently, they base their grocery list on how much they can buy in the time allotted by the line, I thought, wishing we’d done the same. It had to be faster, I thought with a scowl.

“But Carrefour is a French supermarket!” I insisted to my husband, reviving my gripe. The shelves of one of the world’s largest retailers were stocked with everything from soy milk to salsa, the freezers stuffed with drinkable yogurt and delicious bagged berry medleys, the housewares section complete enough to rival any Wal-Mart. On the surface, it was like any other industrialized nation.

“Doesn’t matter- the culture is Polish,” he grumbled, his head tilted back in agitation. Smiling wryly, he quoted the region’s motto, “Haste leads to degradation.”

There’s the rub, I thought bitterly. In spite of nearly twenty years after the end of Soviet domination, Poland was still cloaked in its own mental iron curtain. Long lines. Poor customer service. A widespread acceptance of mediocrity. A largely cash-based economy. Political ineptitude and a lack of real economic opportunities for young people, aside from immigration. Grey buildings and even bleaker skies, broken sidewalk cobbles and menacing Skoda drivers barreling down on pedestrians. Clinging to a noble past of suffering and victimization, wavering in the face of an uncertain future.

Exiting the large double doors with our bags in tow, the cool night air shocked my cheeks and jolted my spirit out of its irritation. Walking past the train station with the seasonal skating rink in front, we made our way through the pedestrian underpass back into the Old Town. Vendors hawking sour sheep’s cheese imprinted with fancy patterns, striking autumnal floral arrangements, miniature bagels on strings, and colorful mittens vied for our attention in vain. My mind was occupied with the trials and tribulations of life in a transitioning country.

Carefully dodging the icy potholes, the elderly gentleman playing the harmonica, and arm-linked couples enjoying a romantic stroll, my eyes turned to the glow of the main market square ahead. Seduced again by the glistening Słowackiego theater on my left, the haunting remains of the ancient city wall on my right, and the anticipation of the magical Sukiennice cloth hall through the alleyways, I felt my heart sink with guilt.

Life was frustrating here, but that certainly wasn’t the full story. My experiences that evening, the surreal and incomprehensible swing from stagnation and irritation in the hypermarche to bliss and exhilaration ten minutes later on the streets reflected the complicated reality of life in Poland.

It is full of inconsistencies, bureaucratic mazes, masked faces, false hopes, and intense pride, but also an enchanting aura wafting through the crevices, a sorrowful but angelic aria permeating the nation’s soul. In order to completely understand its mystery, one would need to spend a lifetime peeling back the layers, painstakingly deciphering its clues. Poland, I was discovering, was an enigma.

I was in good company as I tried to resolve its riddles. My first months in Krakow were a tumultuous period in Polish domestic as well as foreign relations- a time when European Union leaders and Poland’s own citizens would become increasingly confounded with the status quo.

Particularly within the EU, a swelling “Poland fatigue” came to dominate all diplomacy like an omnipresent and obstinate cloud. Having expanded to include Poland in 2004, the former member states complained increasingly vocally that Poland seemed to mistakenly believe that the EU had joined it, rather than the other way around.

Resenting the march of European history that had nearly obliterated and then forgotten it, and realizing its geopolitical leverage for the first time, Poland overplayed its hand in round after round, alienating nearly every ally. The ruling Law and Justice party (PiS) retaliated over the most minor infractions with Germany, at one point cancelling a high level visit due to an unfavorable newspaper editorial. As the EU attempted to wrap up the Lisbon Treaty negotiations, an increasingly mercurial and sanctimonious Polish posture towards Germany threatened to unravel years of international effort. Warsaw also impeded Brussels’ efforts to thaw relations with Moscow, raising concerns over Russian energy shipments to the subcontinent as winter rapidly approached.

An overwhelming and self-defeating paranoia and victimization in combination with an intense messianic mission drove Warsaw’s self perception and policy. Acidly hostile towards Germany due to unresolved disputes from the Second World War and distrusting Russia following the Cold War; still bitter at the opulent “West” for its perceived abandonment of Poland twice to its enemies; convinced of its fraternal and moral mission to lead the nations of Eastern Europe to freedom; and finally, certain only of the military backing of the distant United States, Poland lashed out at its past and nearly lost its foothold on the future.

The situation was at least as bad on the home front. Besieging its opponents with allegations of corruption, mafia ties, sex crimes and communism, PiS found itself caught in its own avalanche and lost control of the political implosion it had set in motion. Championing the interests of its primarily elderly, agrarian, impoverished and staunchly Catholic supporters, the President and Prime Minister (coincidentally, twin brothers) failed to inspire the hope of young, educated workers with upward aspirations and experience abroad. Clinging to a sense of moral superiority and confident in a victory, the majority party voted to dissolve itself in September.

Weary of PiS’s overzealous political machinations, the EU held its breath for one month. When the results of the snap elections were tallied, it, and much of Poland, was able to finally breathe a sigh of relief. Donald Tusk, of the pro-business Civic Platform, had persuaded voters that the time for a new course in domestic and foreign policy had arrived. Young, attractive and athletic, well educated and articulate, hopeful and charismatic, he appeared the John F. Kennedy to the Nikita Krushchev. Immediately shaking hands with EU leaders, he promised to revive Poland’s relationship with the supranational body, and promptly set to work on ironing out old problems. Particularly with Russia, cracks appeared in the ice if not a thaw, as Tusk sent high level delegations to discuss bilateral issues. And with the US, Tusk has held a firmer line, delicately attempting to balance the wishes of its former champion with its geopolitical reality.

In spite of the greatest turnout PiS had ever seen by its supporters, Tusk carried the election due to tidal wave of support, primarily by younger citizens, many of whom cast their votes from abroad. Whether Tusk will be the answer to Poland’s heartfelt prayers remains to be seen; what is clear at this point is the desire of the nation’s younger generation to make peace with the past and take its proper place on the pedestals of Europe.

Arriving at my apartment, squeezing past waiting tram passengers and customers scurrying into the apteka, I paused for a moment with my key in hand. Turning around back towards the Planty, a green ring created when the Austrian invasion obliterated the old city walls, I felt for a moment a flickering of understanding, as if the enigma had brushed past my skin and whispered in my ear. Perhaps it cannot be cracked, and perhaps the legacies of past suffering will linger past their expiration date. Long lines may remain, but so does the indefatigable Polish spirit. Just as the acid-rain washed buildings on the Rynek sparkle again under the sun and new paint, and just as the city created a park out of the destruction of its ancient history, so too will the nation rise again. Just how it will transpire remains to be seen.

When I lamented that the Summer Olympics were ending after only a mere two weeks of sporting, a friend remarked “That’s what makes them special.” Touché. I am already counting the days until London 2012.

Since August 8th, I have spent almost evening watching the Olympics – and I don’t even watch much television. I have cheered for gymnasts, swimmers, and other Americans until 1 a.m. only to wake up for another sleep-deprived day of work. Why were my favorite events always on so late at night? Throughout the work day, I have spent my breaks and lunches catching up on Olympic news and controversies. America’s reputation in the world may be at a low point, but during the Olympics patriotism is not only accepted, it’s encouraged!

This is not to say that I only cheered for American athletes. Usain Bolt’s gold medals were awe inspiring – actually, watching almost every Jamaican athlete was thrilling! And Samuel Kamau Wansiru of Kenya (who won the gold medal) had me glued to the TV during the marathon!

My laments are few: I have Michael Phelps fatigue. Yes, I know he is an amazing swimmer, but he is not the only athlete at the games. Let’s profile someone else, just for a moment. Please. In women’s gymnastics, I do not believe that all of the Chinese gymnasts are 16; Nastia Liukin shouldn’t have lost the gold medal [in a tiebreaker] on the uneven bars to He Kexin.

Finally, I must admit that I occasionally watched the Olympics on mute. In some events (gymnastics comes to mind), the commentary was helpful. In other events (synchronized diving), the commentary was harsh and confusing – the splash didn’t look that big to me. What really pushed me over the edge, was all of the assumptions. During the Men's 4x100-Meter Medley Relay, the commentators were particularly annoying. They kept saying, “Jason Lezak can’t do it. He can’t catch up. No way. Wait, he catching up. Wait he won the race. How did that happen?” Why can’t the commentators just report on what’s happening, not declare the winner before the race even starts.

Only four more years…

This time, three days ago I was sitting using the computer as I normally do, being a lover of The Internet. Only I was not using it for the normal day to day communication such as talking to friends on MSN and Yahoo messenger, seeing what was new about acquaintances on Facebook or attending to family and professional emails on yahoo.

I was staring at the BBC site and browsing through the links to see whatever I could get about the late Zambian President His Excellency, Levy Patrick Mwanawasa, State Counsel, whose passing-away I had just read about, having been in the UK for close to a year now.

I could not understand how Levy, as he was fondly called, could have finally failed to pull through a condition that his subordinates had for the past two months said was stable.

It is common knowledge now that he had collapsed just before the official opening of the heads of state meeting that was intended to discuss the Zimbabwe elections, which Levy had suggested be postponed after opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai backed out of the race.

Without going in to much detail about that meeting , my point is that, at that time, there were rumours that the president had died. Oh, how I felt week to my knees when I received the news. I rushed to go to the nearest phone shop to call home and find out how things were. That time, it was more out of curiosity and fears of how our long lasting peace could be shaken by politicians with selfish motives, wanting to take the throne. Such situations, I thought usually pave way for anarchy, because of scrambling for power. But when I got through to my family, they said those had been mere rumours and that the Information minister had already refuted the claims, I was relieved.

What followed were assurances that the president was making steady progress and that in due course, he would be returning home. That was quite some hope.

And then just when I had forgotten about it, was only shocked to hear that his condition had worsened and soon after, he was dead. This time it hit me like one that had lost a father.

It is often said ‘Absence makes the heart grow fonder’, and as such some people would be emotionally stricken when somebody leaves or dies and end up saying all the good things, but I believe that to every person, there is a positive and negative side. Mwanawasa could have been condemned for certain decisions that he took and I remember, I too commented negatively on a few decisions he made. But like somebody once said, ‘in the midst of the negatives and positives that one may have had, there is no point making reference to the negatives, when they are no longer there, as it we don’t benefit anything from that, but there is everything to learn from their positives’. I think that way, it inspires the people that remain behind to emulate the positive things and make society a better place.

As such, I too will choose to forget whatever negative decisions (not that I can point at one), that my late president may have made and remember only the notable positive contributions he made to what Zambia is today as well as his stand on African issues. I don’t want to run through what others have already written about the stand he took on curbing corruption, economic policies he made that resulted in the inflation rate dropping significantly and the increased investment that he was brought about, not to mention his stand on African issues such as the last of his tasks, Zimbabwe’s situation. But rather, taking from all such scores, I can conclude that I admired his tenacity.

This is a man who chose to become unpopular for what he thought was right. He was fast losing friends because as long as somebody was found or suspected to be wanting, in his cabinet, national offices or wherever, in his jurisdiction, you were to be sure he would institute disciplinary measures.

His was the government of laws, which he termed the ‘New Deal’. Because of that, we as a country were sure that people in authority would not get away with wrong doing. His intolerance to various vices by people in authority, to me seemed to have opened up doors for people to be vigilant and try to report all who they thought were up to no good and he followed that up. I keep thinking... Are we going to be lucky twice, to get someone that will follow up on corrupt practices that have in the past cost us a lot and caused inefficiency in some public offices?

The fight against corruption, to me, was Levy’s personal drive and one needs to have the same amount of passion to continue with this fight. I think he leaves behind uncertainties of whether some people will now be left to go scotch free with cases that had been or were due to be opened against them, under his directives. He being a lawyer knew the procedures best and it was thus easy for him to bring these cases up. There are numerous cases that he had started and was constantly following up, but now that he is gone, I am not sure what will become of them.

Because of his stand on corruption, sanity was slowly being restored in public operations, because people were scared they would be found out if they engaged in dubious activities on duty. We surely can not afford to go backwards on crime.

Even in the end, President Mwananwasa stuck to his guns, doing what he thought was right even if it meant him becoming unpopular when he made a stand on the Zimbabwe elections, suggesting that they be postponed when not many leaders in Africa were courageous to make a statement about the issue. It is not surprising then that that was one last big shot he gave to his legacy of courage, forwardness and commitment to Africa’s wellbeing, before retiring to rest for good, defining even more, the kind of go-getter that he was. Again, a sad turnout for the continent especially countries like Zimbabwe who had hoped his intervention could place a light at the end of the tunnel for their torment.

As we eventually come to terms with the fact that Levy is gone, one thing that remains in minds such as mine is that once upon a time we had a President who was stubborn to the core, when it came to doing what he believed in. In his soft spoken nature, he was tough in the inside and his word yielded results.

The Mwanawasa family have lost a caring husband, father, brother and relative. Zambia has lost an unshakable leader. Africa has lost a focused intervener and the rest of the world have lost a trustworthy partner. Words may not be enough to drive home what is in the hearts of many, but one thing's for sure is: President Mwanawasa’s absence will be strongly felt at home and abroad.

May his soul rest in eternal peace.

Sudanese ruling party accuses Islamist leader (Al-Turabi) of working with US, UK to oust Bashir

It's the second week of attacks on the Popular Congress Party's (PCP) leader Al-Turabi. This time, it's not from the newly re-elected Taha, who last week accused Turabi of being a major cause of the Darfur crimes that have become the focus of the ICC recently, which heightened attention on the conflict by international bodies. Darfur has been at war with itself for years with no resolution and little hope for improvement for those caught up in the war. This week Al-Turabi flew to Geneva to take part in a forum at the Africa Center for Human Rights. While on his visit to Europe, the National Congress Party (NCP) initiated an attack on him by accusing him of collaborating with the US through the JEM (the Justice and Equality Movement). This attack and news of his European travel are published in the NCP publication "Al-Rae'd." A few observers in Sudan have said that the ICC indictment is a bid to remove the NCP from power. Al-Rae'd also published that Al-Turabi is meeting in Europe to "coordinate support for the SPLM's chairman in the presidential elections." The NCP has called into question the timing of last month's announcement by the SPLM that Salva Kiir will run in the 2009 elections, linking it to Bashir's indictment.

Sudan agrees to allow UNAMID night flights in Darfur - envoy

Bad lighting at Darfur airports has delayed authorization for UNAMID to use Darfur airports at night. UNAMID this week received this much needed authorization from the Sudanese government. Rodolphe Adada, Joint Special Representative of the joint mission in Darfur, stated that UNAMID would help facilitate the necessary changes to the airport working with the Civil Aviation Authority. With one major obstacle out of the way, UNAMID now has the 24-hour capability of flight it needs.

Doctors withdraw from Darfur hotspots as US abstains from UN vote

Humanitarian vehicles and aid workers have been the target of many attacks in Darfur in the past year. John Holmes, the under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, confirms that the Sudanese government has not taken its responsibility to guarantee the security of those in the Darfur territory. These are the conditions while the UN Security Council renews its mandate of UNAMID. During the Security Council vote, the US abstained from the vote, directly as a result of the included reference to the delaying Bashir's indictment. On the ground conditions have not improved for victims in the war-torn region. In response to a series of violent attacks against Doctors Without Borders, the aid group has decided to pull staff out of Tawila and Shangil Tobaya areas of North Darfur. This will leave 65,000 people without medical assistance, according to the UN.

114 Ethiopian peacekeepers arrive to Darfur

As UNAMID renews its efforts to tackle outstanding issues in Darfur, it received more peacekeepers this week. The Ethiopian engineering force of 114 personnel arrived and is scheduled to work on building roads, bridges and camps for the deployment of the 5,000 Ethiopian troops. The engineering force has been deployed to Kulbus and Silia in Western Darfur. Upon arrival to Sudan, the 114 peacekeepers were authorized entrance despite a problem related to their missing passports.

Halima Bashir’s Darfur account describes rivalries between African and Arab girls

Halima Bashir, with Damien Lewis, has written a memoir of survival in Darfur called "Tears of the Desert." It's the first memoir written by a woman who lived through and was caught up in the war in Darfur. Refusing to be silent, Halima, who was born to the Zaghawa tribe, shares with readers her story of being a privileged Arabic girl who grew up to be the village's first doctor. The Zaghawa have often been the focal point of attacks by the Janjaweed. Bashir treated many of the traumatized rape victims. Her account also includes the very real rivalries between African and Arab girls and captures the underlying racism that continues to deteriorate the hope that tolerance can prevail between the cultures. Bashir describes the horror of being gang-raped by soldiers from the Sudanese army. The memoir provides a chance for victims, including Bashir, to not be lost behind the veil of silence that has gripped those who have been terribly treated while the state of affairs in Sudan allows for the army to deny the use of rape as a weapon and to limit any attempts by journalists or aid workers to shed light on these crimes against innocent people.

From my Perspective:

Halima Bashir is an extraordinary survivor for having moved to London and for continuing to shed light on the violence in Darfur. Giving voice to people who must feel forgotten and pawns to the caprice of those who chose to prolong the fight is a prerequisite to seeking peace and justice for those who have been forced to endure hostility. These accounts along with reports from UNAMID representatives and those willing to write from the region can only help undo the grip that war has taken on the region. Undoing the grip of war in this region requires a shift in purpose amongst those who are involved in bringing a better life to those who must wonder if there will ever be a time that they can live beyond the horrors of war, that is, fighting for resources that are being used as tools of war and being denied the status of human beings, which is supposed to bring with it much more than indignity, horrible medical conditions, cultural contempt and intolerance. Now that Doctors Without Borders have left due to increased violence, can UNAMID request more medical assistance? Currently, medical services that are still addressing needs in Darfur include: Medical Care International, International Red Cross, International Relief Teams, Americare, MAP International, and a few other organizations.

Darfurians have been denied their right of shelter while being degraded to simple pawns in a struggle that has little to do with facilitating coexistence. Oral historians in ethnic wars have historically brought to light individual experiences that have led to emancipation. Yet, in the meantime in Darfur, the priority to allow for hate to be the preferred underbelly of discourse is palpable and needs to change. A focus on individual differences to create doubt and feelings of inferiority is the type of psychological warfare that has destroyed the will of those being subjected to the war.

Do tribal leaders understand that they must call into question the treatment of individuals, and move toward inter-tribal new conditions for a new agreement to build a society that substitutes development for racially motivated violence? As reintegration efforts have worked in previous civil wars, seeking a solution to help rivals who are determined to focus on differences and make issue out of participation in upcoming elections by party leaders should include diffusing the anger and negative reactions. Specifically, I call attention this week to the case of the PCP and NCP. Party newspapers may continue to breed hostility toward other factions, however, as we have seen, the upcoming elections and those who will seek office will come under closer scrutiny within Sudan.

Currently, the relationship between President Bashir and tribal leaders is complex. The denial that is fast becoming the tone of dialogue among Islamic leaders needs to continue to be studied to see its effect among the Islamic factions toward those who might seek election. Candidates may seek to build support to improve the conditions in Darfur and reach for solutions beyond the combination of decades of environmental causes to the conflicts for the nomads and the ethnic and tribal armed conflicts. They may end up being subjected to being accused of only pursuing certain interests of the rebel groups and tribes that they are associated with. They might be criticized for addressing the needs of the society beyond tribal character and therefore may cause concern among those who see any possibility of elections as a threat to their current tribal system. Do each of the rebel leaders, some of whom are not well-liked by tribes and ethnic groups in Darfur, still maintain a secessionist position or are they trying to work towards negotiations that decrease tensions and violence among the groups and peacekeepers? Will the current Sudanese government see that it must become accountable for its ongoing attacks on primarily land-tilling non-Arab ethnic groups and develop a better approach toward seeking to include the interests of the region in its authority? Finally, where will victims to the atrocities be given the opportunity to seek redress?

US officially extends protected status for Sudanese residents

Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff has justified the extension of the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to certain Sudanese nationals. The extension of the special status goes until May 2, 2010. The reasoning behind the extension is based on the fact that the conflict is ongoing and that the conditions that existed in 2004 that prompted the redesignation in October 2004 still exist. The US Immigration Act of 1990 granted nationals of designated countries TPS. As a result of a procedure established by Congress, the Attorney General can provide this status to aliens in the US who cannot return safely to their home country under certain conditions. TPS registrants can remain in the US and obtain work authorization. If they commit a crime, they may be deported. TPS does not lead to acquiring a green card. Bills pursuing permanent residence for those who have acquired the relief that the status brings to aliens have been shelved. Requirements for eligibility include having entered the country on or before October 7, 2004, and prohibits any individual who has either been a felon or has been found guilty of two or more misdemeanors. Approximately 500 Sudanese nationals are covered by the program.

Rebel groups must unite to reach lasting solution for Darfur – General Agwai

General Martin Luther Agwai, the Commander of UNAMID, told reporters that in order to achieve a lasting solution to the conflict in Darfur, there are a few prerequisites. First, the rebel movements must unify at the negotiating table. Secondly, the international community needs to continue to pressure the rebels as much as it has pressured the Sudanese government. The General is resolute and certain that both parties to the conflict should be put under "enough searchlight," rather than only one party bearing the pressure of answerability to the investigations.

In reviewing what has occurred to the four rebel groups that were part of the Darfur Peace Agreement in Abuja in 2006, the General reports that there are now close to 30 groups on the ground, and many of them without cohesion.

Finally, the General does not see that there will be a winner in the conflict through a military response. More exactly, international efforts should focus on providing UNAMID all necessary troops and equipment, particularly helicopters.

UNAMID, Sudan discuss security situation in Darfur volatile camp

In a message of hope to the Sudanese who have been displaced from their homes as a result of the ongoing conflict, Henry Anyidoho, UNAMID's Deputy Joint Special Representative, said that he intends that UNAMID will continue to address the much needed improvements in security for the IDPS at Kalma camp. In a visit to the Kalma camp, the representative has received reports of the deteriorating security situation in the camps. Arms and ammunition has been seized inside of the camp in July. Mr. Anyidoho met with South Darfur governor Ali Mahmoud to IDP Sheikhs at the camp, and members of the UN team and INGO's. They discussed solutions to address the security concerns. The Governor has expressed his willingness to cooperate with UNAMID and has invited UNAMID to develop a joint strategy to concentrate on issues in the camp. Talks included certain of measures that should be taken in searching for arms and weapons inside of the camp.

Sudan’s Taha accuses Turabi party of stocking Darfur conflict

This week, the seventh convention of the Sudanese Islamic Movement has brought with it a contentious incongruity in viewpoints of the re-elected Secretary General of the Movement and the Popular Congress Party (PCP). Known for his dislike toward the PCP and the leadership of Hassan al-Turabi, the newly re-elected Ali Osmem Mohamed Taha appealed to attendees that for the PCP's responsibility for war, displacement and disruption of developments in Darfur, the PCP should be sued. PCP leaders have recently turned down Bashir's call for reunification of the Islamic movement, calling it an attempt to stir up religious feelings to generate popular support to counter calls for Bashir's indictment. Taha clarified that the NCP does not wish to unify with the PCP and renounced the need to do so. In July, the PCP made a public statement that in place of Bashir indictment, the government should meet with non-signatory rebel groups and that those who are found guilty of Darfur crimes should be tried by Sudanese judges. Taha does not see the call for the unity of national ranks directed at the Sudanese Islamic Movement.

Victims of Genocide in Darfur: Past, Present, and Future

Eric Reeves reports the rise of malnutrition in Darfur with few prospects for improvement considering the horrible harvests and the increase in the price of food. The UN World Food Program cannot deliver full rations due to security concerns. In a detailed assessment of the current UN humanitarian official in Sudan, Ameerah Haq, Reeves finds that her fear of the Khartoum regime and news reporters has caused the deficiency in the broadcasting of the cases of malnutrition by the UN and INGOs. This has not helped those victimized in the conflict in gaining better health or in their dire need for living in security and free of being terrorized. Reeves also points out Ashraf Qazi, the UN special representative of the secretary-general to Sudan and his silence on the urgency of matters on the ground. Rodolphe Adada, AU/UN Joint Special Representative for Darfur is another official identified.

In his scathing look at the recent responses to the conflict, Reeves calls many of the international organizations making public statements about the recent announcement for ICC indictment hypocritical and politically motivated. His report suggests that much is lacking in the public outrage to the announcement. In and of itself, Reeves suggests that this is what Khartoum prefers. Reeves also points out the lack of clarity and persuasiveness for the surrender of leaders of the genocidal acts when there is a huge probability that others in the chain of command will be pointed to easily.

This report points out that the AU, members of the UN Security Council, the Organization of Islamic Conference, the Arab League and the Non-Aligned Movement are all refusing to confront Khartoum. Without a more purposeful commitment to bring a peace process forward that will replace the flawed Darfur Peace Agreement and to reach beyond the differences of the temperaments of the rebel groups and what divides them, the integrity of the attempts at building peaceful conditions that could lead to coexistence is impeded. As Reeves states and I agree with, the world sees tribal differences superseding the common good for non-Arabs and Arabs.

The report continues with a look at Khartoum's response post-ICC announcement and the results of inadequate international action on the humanitarian situation in Darfur territory and in the camps. Finally, Reeves looks at the shortcomings of UNAMID citing a few reports including "Putting People First" conducted by the Darfur Consortium. The report asks a very pertinent question without an obvious answer: "Do we move ahead with the deployment of a force that will not make a difference, that will not have the capability to defend itself and that carries the risk of humiliation of the Security Council and the United Nations and tragic failure for the people of Darfur?"

From My Perspective:

International organizations, activists, reporters, governments and concerned citizens who cannot accept the lack of humanity in ethnic crimes of hate and persecution cannot be soft on crime. Clearly, intimidation can be used to govern the hearts and minds of people who will suffer just to survive and hope that in silence they can at least keep their own values and needs in tact. Survival mode isn't an acceptable form of living for most people. How can we permit that it be acceptable for Darfurians? Leaders must stop focusing on stealing the free will of people and the choices they need to make to live full lives, without the imposition by those who see free will as a threat to their leadership and choices.

I recommend that those who are in the position to let the world see what is going on, do that and stop using a policy of negligence and regret when it comes to seeking a way to improve the life of those who suffer most in a conflict. To conform with decision-makers in authority to sidestep providing Darfurians their right for redress and justice that should lead to the end of human suffering is not acceptable. We should not continue to postpone setting in motion the right conditions for tribal needs to be set aside in the interest of common good and individual rights. By working cooperatively with international bodies and putting to rest to the concerns of various international bodies that are playing it safe when it comes to confronting Khartoum and the various splintered rebel groups is to choose to work for the greater cause. The world cannot acceptcriminality and impunity among rebel groups, civilians and Khartoum. Amnesty is not a very acceptable option and neither is a continual hunt for those who will continue to shift the blame up and down the chain of command in Sudan. Much can be learned from the approaches used in successful UN missions, like UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone.

I recommend that the UN act on what the UNAMID Panel Reports find. In addition, no progress will be made without including leaders of factions in peace talks to understand their demands and to invigorate disarmament in exchange for participation in development efforts. The agendas of the warlords must be understood and handled appropriately, while providing Darfur factions, like the Sierra Leonian RUF, participation in disarmament and demobilization and a reintegration process with the opportunity to have them take part in the upcoming election would prove successful. It appears that the Darfur Peace Agreement did more harm than good and the fact that the security and safety of the people in the region is contingent on failed peace talks and the results that occurred - and the lack of studies of the implications of this chain of events - reveals the gamble that has been taken in Sudan. Without the Sudanese government and the UN working to gain the trust of these factions, the region will continue to resemble more of a failed state.

Approaching the peace process in a holistic manner that takes into account
the future needs of the society in the region in conflict must include disarmament as soon as possible, development efforts, and the mission should be contingent on reasserting efforts rather than on incremental progress that may not be reached in the short term given the lack of inclusiveness that is the cause of the conflict. The security and safety within the region cannot be sacrificed when the consequence of failed efforts are not part of a peacekeeping mission.

WIP Contributor Sara Terry has announced her non-profit's 2009 grant application cycle...

We're pleased to announce that our 2009 grant application is now available online at www.theaftermathproject.org. We will be giving two grants in 2009, one for $25,000 and one for $15,000. This has been made possible through the generous support of Open Society and the Compton Foundation.

Also, our inaugural exhibition opens at Gage Gallery/Roosevelt University in Chicago on 9/11. If you're anywhere near Chicago, we hope you can make it to the exhibition. You can find more info here.

Please help Sara spread the word about the grants and the exhibition!

Thanks to Lopez Lomong, it's good to believe in the Olympics again

This year's Olympics, marred with politics and a predictable amount of activism has had its first personal story that carries much needed redemptive power. It's the power of a human being who has against all odds taken himself out of the strife of war and focused his energies on something that would give him personal value and a personal sense of accomplishment that people all over the world strive to achieve. This is the story of Lopez Lomong, who is a 1,5000-meter runner in this year's Olympics. Lomong is a Sudanese refugee who was abducted from a church at age 6 and forced to become a child soldier. He has been chosen by the US team to carry the American flag into the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics. The US Olympic Committee had that day almost "disowned" Joey Cheek, the speedskater who worked with Save Darfur. His work with Save Darfur resulted in China revoking his visa and preventing him from attending the Olympics.

Lomong spent 10 years of his life in a refugee camp. While watching the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, he vowed that he would run like Michael Johnson. In 2001, he wrote a heartfelt essay to a program that helped the "Lost Boys of Sudan" find decent homes. In his essay he described what he would do if he were allowed to live in the US. He received assistance and ended up living with a foster family in Tully, NY. Later, he attended Northern Arizona University. He proceeded to win titles. Last year, he took an oath to become a US citizen. This year, he is the flag bearer for the US, representing the US while making his dream come true.

The American team has really showed that it has compassion and can see past all of the controversy surrounding this year's Olympics. The world can witness this display of remarkable sportsmanship and team spirit. It also shows the strength of the human spirit in one runner, a world citizen from Sudan, Lomong, who didn't let his spirit die before he sent in an essay that brought him to become a US citizen and is now carrying a flag from a country that has historically celebrated individual freedoms.

Sudan appoints Darfur Prosecutor

As expected, Sudan has refused recognizing the ICC. In response, Sudanese Justice Minister Abdul Basit Sabdarat has appointed a special prosecutor to probe the war crimes in Darfur and bring cases to court. The prosecutor is Nimer Ibrahim Mohamed, who enters his new role amongst severe criticism of the Sudanese legal system. Defense representing Darfur rebels, Kamal Omar, says that the legal system needs reform. He has also called the appointment a media stunt.

The Sudan Media Centre has reported that the justice ministry will incorporate crimes listed in international law into new draft legislation. The ministry will also send legal teams to Darfur to monitor the situation on the ground. In addition, the AU is creating a list of top lawyers to work with the government after the ICC accusation in order to investigate the Darfur crisis. It is understandable to have misgivings about Sudanese promises to try war criminals as a result of its past record. As it is, time will tell as will international attention.

New batch of Russian peacekeepers fly to Sudan

On August 4th, Russia made its contribution to UNMIS with 10,000 peacekeeping troops deployed to Sudan. It's not the first time Russia has assisted Sudan. The first unit of peacekeepers arrived in April 2006. The troops include 80 pilots and technical specialists. On August 8th, a second group of 40 servicemen will fly to Sudan. Their role in Sudan will include rescue operations.

Darfur force commander calls on Sudan to accept non-African troops

General Martin Luther Agwai called for the inclusion of non-African contingents among his UNAMID troops. In an article published in Al-Ahram, an Egyptian daily, the Nigerian general, wrote of the lack of proper equipment and international support. The article resembled the tied hands that General Romeo Dallaire experienced during his UNAMIR commission when he pled for logistical support and reinforcement and was refused by the Security Council. The difference is that at least in the case of Darfur, the Security Council has not reduced the troop size or waned as a result of the influence of countries, such as China, who oppose policies of intervention.

Along with citing the need for helicopters, Agwai noted that Resolution 1769 which authorized UNAMID did not exclude non-African countries from the force. Essentially, Agwai is addressing the insistence by Khartoum to not accept Western troops until all African options are drained. Agwai pointed out the limitations of the African countries that support UNAMID and requested outside assistance.

In his request, he asked that Khartoum show that it is doing everything it can to ease the crisis in Darfur and cites ways that they could prove that they are motivated toward sending a strong message of bringing peace to Darfur. He also noted that rebel groups do not represent the Darfurians who want peace. He requested that they show that they are serious about peace rather than prolonging a conflict that has included attacks on peacekeepers. His commitment to not allowing the recent deaths of peacekeepers go in vain shows the mark of a leader who is not willing to back down in a situation that has put UNAMID under the critical eye of UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and the international community.

FACTBOX - Key excerpts from U.N. council resolution on Darfur

Last Thursday, as expected, the UN Security Council renewed its UNAMID peacekeeping mission. The Security Council also agreed to suspend pursuing the indictment of Sudan's president. Points that are key in the approved resolution are as follows:

• Urges the Sudanese government to bring to justice perpetrators of crimes against civilians
• Notes the AU's request that the Security Council use its power to suspend any indictment of al-Bashir
• Notes the intention to consider the potential developments after the ICC July 14th accusation of Bashir of masterminding the genocide in Darfur
• Reiterates concern for the decreasing security of humanitarian personnel
• Reiterates that a military solution is not an option
• Demands that all parties cease hostilities and commit to a long-term cease-fire

My Perspective:

This week will be one that the world will remember. Israeli President Shimon Peres posted a peace song on a website. Can you imagine if the President of Darfur this week put a peace song on his website? Apparently the Israeli President’s favorite theme is peace. The song is called “Ray of Hope.” This week, after reading articles about the renewal of the UNAMID, the needs of UNAMID General Agwai, non-African peacekeeper deployment, and Olympian Lomong, I thought it would be fair to consider what motivates world leaders. Apparently the theme of peace is Peres' interest. What are the favorite themes of other world leaders? What makes them tick? Is it 'outsmarting the other guy'? Is it self interest and gain at other people’s expense? Is it spite? Is it to invoke fear in others? Is it to divide people so that isolation prevails? Is it to be destructive? Is it to be constructive? Is it to get people to bridge their differences? Is it to let people know that life is what it is and that to believe in more is pointless? What motivates every day people, those who represent them or are in conflict?

Motivation is what Lopez Lomong has. He has transcended the tribal disputes of his homeland. He has chosen not to pick sides and to make his dream a reality. In Darfur and other conflict zones, people are forced into ways of thinking to prove what only prolongs conflict. Instead, Lomong chose sportsmanship and a belief in perseverance and accomplishment. He chose to escape a world of bitter rivalries. Lomong beat all odds and chose to become something amazing and make it to the Olympics. In his lifetime he has made it to Beijing and carries the American flag.

This commentary might be a little saccharine laden for a few. I'll take that chance in a world where we see images of war in our media everyday and read stories of people who seem to be treading a road filled with obstacles to a good life put up in front of them or of their own making. What can change the motivations of those who are in the position to bring to citizens opportunities to succeed and fail and a life worth living? Or will leaders continue to falter and show their support in advancements in science and technology but still be left wondering how to use their abilities toward a peaceful coexistence?

Finally a major victory to keep the internet open and free, helping to ensure that independent media stays alive on the net! In a historic decision earlier this week, on August 1st FCC Chairman Kevin Martin and Commissioners Michael Copps and Jonathan Adelstein found Comcast - the Largest Cable Provider in America - guilty of illegally blocking peer-to-peer sharing for interfering with methods of public discourse. Josh Silver, leading the fight against Comcast and executive director of Free Press, issued the following statement:

"The FCC's bipartisan decision to punish Comcast is a major victory. Defying every ounce of conventional wisdom in Washington, everyday people have taken on a major corporation and won an historic precedent for an open Internet."

This is a major victory for independent media across the board as it becomes clear that larger gatekeepers like Comcast cannot control the freedom that we have as individuals to search and share information. What is even more epic about the decision is that it is now clear that we have support of even The FCC to keep this freedom alive. Net Neutrality is the last beacon of hope for freedom of expression on the internet and we need to make sure the fight continues to support internet freedom so voices like The WIP can continue to bring true independent perspectives and journalism to the general public.

In 1994, in just 100 days, one tenth of Rwandas population was killed, nearly 800,000 people.

Today an independent Rwandan commission has made public a report that says France was aware of preparations for the genocide and helped train the ethnic Hutu militia perpetrators.

According to the BBC, the commission spent nearly two years investigating France's alleged role in the genocide.

It heard testimonies from genocide survivors, researchers, writers and reporters.

Are you in France or Rwanda? Please share your reaction to this story with us here at The WIP.